What makes Narendra Modi such a special leader, how does he win India’s heart each time?

Analysts are equally befuddled. Their latest hope was the COVID-19 induced hardships may dent Modi’s popularity. With that hope also belied, and all other explanations falling flat, a senior political commentator has floated the time tested, but deeply flawed theory — Modi is popular because of TINA factor (there is no alternative).

This is our time. That we may face hardships on the way, that we may marginally falter sometimes, but if we persist, we can achieve whatever we want. That we can change the course of history. That is the sum total of Modi’s appeal. Modi wins because he epitomises the spirit of the ordinary Indian to do extraordinary deeds

- Akhilesh Mishra

What is not answered by such analysts is why should Modi, of all people, coming as he does from a poor family and a socially disadvantaged group, not having gone to elite schools, not having any pre-existing support system in the corridors of power, and not having any godfather but being an entirely self-made man, enjoy TINA factor over a family entrenched into India politics for over 100 years and 5 generations and having ruled India for almost 60 out or 73 years of Independence?

But if TINA is not the reason to explain Modi’s popularity, then what is?

What do people look for in a leader? Honesty? Hard work? Big Ideas? Vision? Execution ability? Incorruptibility? Zero nepotism? Oratory skills? Willingness to listen? Putting national interest first?

In almost any democratic contest, a leader who exhibits even three to four of these qualities almost invariably wins. But think of Modi and then think of which of these traits do not apply to him? Or do they all apply to him? But even then, is this the sole reason for Modi’s popularity.

For most politicians, immediate electoral compulsions drive their public engagements. If it is likely to bring votes, then they latch on to it, with or without conviction and the moment its use is over, they move on. What is Modi’s record in this?

The temple run by a prominent Indian politician before 2019 elections come to mind as one counter example. Elections over and him having lost his own family seat and his party routed, the temple run stopped as abruptly as it started.

Now consider Modi. He has made it a point to spend every Diwali, the festival of lights, among the people he serves. Be it spending it with Gujarat earthquake victims in 2001 or with Indian soldiers more recently, it is a lifelong conviction for him.

Modi’s fascination and respect

Modi’s fascination and respect, as some of his opponents have cynically alleged, for the Indian soldiers did not start with Balakot air strikes in 2019. He was attending to injured soldiers, way back, during the 1999 Kargil War, much before he assumed any elected office.

Modi’s compassion and drive to help in any which way, during a natural calamity did not exhibit itself just for his home state Gujarat, when he heroically turned around the earthquake hit Bhuj in 2001. Just a few months ago, he made it a point to immediately fly down to Odisha and West Bengal even at the peak of COVID-19 lockdown, when these states were recently hit by a severe cyclone.

Whether it be the massive floods in Kashmir in 2014 or the 2013 cloud-burst tragedy in Kedarnath or the recent evacuations of Indians stuck around the world due to COVID-19 induced lockdowns, Modi is always there, before any one else to help.

As these examples show, his public engagements are not seasonal fads but driven by lifelong beliefs and value systems.

It is said that public memory is notoriously short. On the contrary, for political leaders, it is the collective public memory built over long periods, stretching back to decades, that first propels and then sustains their mass popularity. How does Modi’s conduct, over decades, inform the long-term collective memory about him?

Modi is perhaps the most abused Indian politician ever. Yet, he has never lost his composure. He has never turned cynical.

The top names of Indian opposition came together to petition the US government to deny Modi’s visa when he was the Gujarat Chief Minister. Any other politician would have justifiably been livid at this craven kowtowing in front of a foreign power.

But Modi did not let this come in the way of either his engagement with the US or the same Indian politicians, in matters of national interest.

Modi’s own party colleagues, former Chief Ministers of Gujarat, floated fronts to oppose him either covertly or even overtly. Yet, not once, did Modi ever utter a word against them. Ever. Instead, he would seek their blessings, after every election victory.

Cottage industry of hate

An entire cottage industry sprang to abuse and misuse every legal route available to somehow entrap Modi in the 2002 Gujarat riots. One legal route failed, and another front was opened. Yet, not once did Modi ever question, during these long years, the majesty of the legal process or not bow down to the finality of the power of the courts.

This despite every charge that was thrown at him was fake and concocted, as ultimately all courts, including the Supreme Court ruled. Contrast this with actions of others when they get an unfavourable judgement.

Modi comes from an underprivileged caste as well as from a poor family. Yet, not even his worst opponents can accuse him or ever playing any of these cards for his electoral appeal. There are a surfeit of caste-based parties in India, who take the easy route of appealing to the default caste divisions for electoral gains.

Modi has never played that game. In fact, his politics is about the extremely challenging strategy of inspiring people to rise above their default divisions and unite for a cause at one or two levels higher than their divisions.

There is an inherent romanticism in the dedication of generations of ordinary political workers and leaders to the extraordinary cause of nation building. As history has shown, it is the unwavering commitment of such romantics that changes the course of history.

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Over three decades of public life and never getting bogged down in a negative agenda but always conducting himself positively is what informs the collective memory of the people about Modi.

Politicians who have held public office for long are ultimately measured by their delivery and not just by their intangible qualities, howsoever good. Politicians get re-elected only if they positively change the ‘lived reality’ of people.

Mere rhetoric by a person in power cannot work as an alternative to actually lived reality, nor can any opposition rhetoric negate it. How does Modi fare in this?

Modi 2014 could arguably be a verdict of national level hope inspired by the Gujarat model of delivery. But five years down the line, Modi 2019 could not have been even a bigger victory if that hope did not translate into delivery.

Changing millions of lives

Almost 20 million families, who earlier lived more or less under open skies have now a pucca house (cemented, concrete roof house). How can any analyst convince these families that Modi government did not change their lives?

Or indeed what can they tell the 400 million people who are now financially empowered through new bank accounts or the 200 million people who earlier could not get business loans because they were too poor to offer any collaterals, but now get collateral free loans.

Or indeed, who can tell the women of rural India, where toilet coverage was 38% before Modi became PM, but is now 100%, that Modi government has not made a positive impact in their daily lives?

Or who can tell the Indian soldiers, who previously waited for over 40 years for One Rank One Pension (OROP), that Modi government, which delivered on this promise within the first year of its term, benefiting over 2 million soldiers, that Modi government has not delivered?

The fallacy of the commentators and indeed the opponents of Modi in analysing him is that they measure him by the standard politician's yardstick, which is wholly inadequate. Modi is not your standard, run-of-the-mill politician. This is the principal dichotomy that eludes the analysts but not the people.

People see Modi working hard, all day, every day, day-after-day, for the role that they have given him. Just like the people do in their own respective lives. They identify some part of themselves in Modi.

That is why they trust his intentions and believe in his ability. It is a trust earned through the ‘tapasya’ (dedication) of a lifetime.

The last tweet of Sushma Swaraj, India’s former foreign minister, just hours before she died was to thank Prime Minister Modi for fulfilling her lifelong dream of witnessing abrogation of Article 370 in her lifetime.

It was a dream that had animated generations of political activists but it was Modi’s persistence and ability that made it finally possible.

There is an inherent romanticism in the dedication of generations of ordinary political workers and leaders to the extraordinary cause of nation building. As history has shown, it is the unwavering commitment of such romantics that changes the course of history.

Modi ignites that collective national romance among millions of Indians. That this is our time. That we may face hardships on the way, that we may marginally falter sometimes, but if we persist, we can achieve whatever we want.

That we can change the course of history. That is the sum total of Modi’s appeal. Modi wins because he epitomises the spirit of the ordinary Indian to do extraordinary deeds.